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Lessons from the Obama campaign for Labour, part 2: Changing the psychology of GOTV messages

2. Use peer group effects to drive voter turnout

As long as I’ve ever been involved in Labour campaigns, our standard GOTV message has been a more or less version of the following:

  • ‘We think it is going to be very close tomorrow, we need you to come out and vote’
  • ‘If you don’t vote today, the Tories will win’
  • ‘It looks neck and neck around here – it could come down to just a few votes’

I suspect the reason that our GOTV message hasn’t really changed is not because we’ve rigorously tested it before every election and found it to be optimal. We just don’t have the resources to do to the level of research required to do that.

Thankfully resources are not something US campaigns are generally short of, which means they can afford such research. It falls to us to try and adapt/steal their research for UK usage. Sasha Issenberg has helpfully written a book about some of the ways that (and other) research is being applied by the likes of the Obama campaign. In this snappy article he identifies some ways that campaigns are moving away from using the type of GOTV message that argues people should vote because it will secure a certain outcome (i.e. the examples above), to a message that relies more on peer group effects, which encourages people vote because of their instinct to be part of something that others around them are doing. Think of it as using subtle peer pressure for enlightened means – turning out the vote. Using the same psychology that makes you feel pressured to have that extra pint because your mates are buying another round, the idea is that you feel pressured to vote because you know those around you are voting, and your natural inclination is to want to fit in.

Evolving our GOTV messages to use peer group psychology might mean we subtly change our messaging to say things like the following:

  • ‘Almost all of the people we’ve spoken to around here say they’re going to come out and vote tomorrow, because they think it’s going to be close.’
  • ‘The majority of people living here on Attlee Avenue voted here last time, and turnout might be higher again this time’
  • ‘I’ve spoken to lots of other mums/dads/students who say they’ve been to vote today to make sure the Tories don’t get in’

Crucially, the technique emphasises that voting is the norm in the social groups of which the voter identifies of being a part. Feedback from the Obama campaign suggests these type of peer-influenced messages are finding their way into standard doorstep and phone GOTV scripts. We should be thinking of doing this.

I’m also interested in whether we can go further and micro-target our GOTV message in personalised printed literature too. With marked registers entered into Contact Creator, we could try using peer group effects to hone the effectiveness of the GOTV message for someone who didn’t vote in the last local election, by presenting them with very local statistics about the voting habits of their neighbours, e.g.: ‘Mr Smith, we noticed you missed out on voting at the elections last year – so please let us know if you need a hand getting the polling station this time. 60% of residents here in Attlee Avenue regularly vote, please join them this Thursday so together we can keep the Tories out.’

Of course the medium perhaps most naturally conducive to taking advantage of peer effects is social networking. In the 2010 US Congressional elections, Facebook introduced and evaluated the effect of putting an ‘I voted’ button at the top of users’ news feeds, which not only reminded people it was election day (and gave links to polling stations etc.) but also, crucially, provided details of your Facebook friends who had voted. The evaluation showed that this Facebook-delivered peer effect boosted turnout by a not-too-shabby 2%. This is estimated to have led to 340,000 extra people voting in that election. You can read more about that here.

At the Facebook fringe event at Labour Conference this year, Facebook staff confirmed in response to my question that they are in discussions with the Electoral Commission to use the ‘I voted button’ in future UK elections, which is great news. Peer-group influencing as part of GOTV is coming – Labour’s challenge is to think how we can maximise it across all of our GOTV channels, not just online.

This is part two of a series. You can find part one, on localising the organisation of GOTV, here.

Remember the Labour Party have an extensive range of campaign training modules available online (through membersnet here) and a variety of other support available through the Campaigns and Technology support team (contact details through membersnet here).

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Lessons from the Obama campaign for Labour: part 1, local GOTV

If, like me, you’ve been addictively refreshing the likes of PoliticalWire for the latest US election news, then you’ll be looking forward to Tuesday night with both excitement and nervousness.

One of the things I always enjoy most about following US elections is hearing about the latest campaigning and organisational approaches and techniques. Let’s face it, the US is the world-leader in election innovation (you’d expect that from the $billions spent). From my US election reading over the last few months, I’ve tweeted links to some great articles about the organisational approaches the Obama campaign has been putting in place. In the next few days, I’m going to blog about some of the lessons I’ve taken from what I’ve read and heard from US friends, along with some rough initial thoughts about how Labour might be able use these lessons to hone our organisation in the run-up to the next general election.

Despite the much more meagre financial resources we have available to campaign with in the UK, the insights I’ve chosen can be adapted for UK use without significant spending. So much of this is not about cutting edge technology breakthroughs, but it is absolutely about having the management of a campaign focusing relentlessly on consistently executing what works, not just in a few pilot areas, but everwhere you need to win.

1. All politics is local: so your GOTV should be as local as possible

The Obama campaign’s ‘ground-game’ has received all sorts of plaudits from in-awe political journalists (e.g. here). What really struck me from this purposefully boastful Obama memo/press release though is the scale, and hence the level of localisation of the operation: they’re running GOTV (get out the vote) in 9 states from 5,117 ‘staging locations’, i.e. local campaign centres / committee rooms.

Well that seems like quite a big number, but of course you might argue that the US is a pretty big place. So to put that into context… the combined population of those 9 swing states is 66.2 million, which means if they were evenly distributed, these GOTV centres each would cover just under 13,000 residents (NOT voters). So on average that’s the equivalent of about a committee room per 2 UK electoral wards.

But of course, within each swing state, there will be areas that are heavily hostile, so the Obama campaign won’t be concentrating much GOTV resource there, but putting much more resource into swing or favourable areas. I reckon this means they’ll often have a local GOTV centre for about each 5,000 voters in swing or favourable areas. That’s the equivalent of 1 local campaign centre per UK electoral ward.

I imagine there are only a handful of Labour constituency campaigns that ever manage anything near this level of localised GOTV at a general elections. Remember, the Obama campaign are not just doing this in a few of their best organised areas – they are delivering this consistently across ALL the swing states.

The benefits of such localisation are legion. As the Obama campaign says:

Unlike campaigns of the past, our volunteers are not driving to some large office miles from their homes and handed a phone and a call sheet. Instead, Canvass Captains, Phone Bank Captains and scores of local volunteers will be knocking on the doors of the very voters they registered, have been talking to for months and know personally. And they will be directing them to polling locations in their communities – the schools their kids go to, the places of worship they attend each week and community centers they know well.

Now that sounds good, but crucially it is supported by the evidence base. Middleton’s 2006 study (summary here) demonstrated a level of GOTV effectiveness from neighbour-to-neighbour contact  that hasn’t been matched from other techniques. You can also speculate on additional positive effects of having a more localised GOTV operation: a more visible and accessible presence in local communities at election times, when political engagement is highest, so there may be positive effects on member and volunteer recruitment; there’d almost invariably be less time spent travelling backwards and forwards on election day from the central campaign centre in the middle of a constituency, leaving more time for the actual knocking of doors.

So, perhaps when planning our election GOTV here next time, we need to shift the focus away from  having a central committee room in the middle of the constituency, from which we deploy volunteers across the constituency irrespective of which ward they live in. As long as training is done and ward organisers are clear on what is required, running devolved, localised GOTV is more possible than ever. There are risks – devolving the organisation doesn’t mean devolving the message (we can’t have each ward just write their own GOTV scripts for example, all of Obama’s GOTV centres are massively standardised in that way) and we certainly don’t need a full-time volunteer in each ward with their time taken up making the tea or sandwiches. But done right, delivering our GOTV on a consistently local basis, as the Obama campaign is doing, will mean we are best placed to take advantage of our activists’ relationships with their own communities and to turn out the vote we need to win in 2015.

Having thought about the organisation of GOTV, in my next post I’ll talk about some of the emerging lessons from the US about the psychology of GOTV messaging.

Remember the Labour Party have an extensive range of campaign training modules available online (through membersnet here) and a variety of other forms of support and advice available through the Campaigns and Technology support team (contact details through membersnet here).

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NEC Results

 

 

 

I’m really pleased with my showing in the Labour NEC elections, the results of which were released today (here). I received 8,968 votes, which means by a considerable margin I came top among all of the non-slate candidates who were not existing NEC members. This was the personal target I set myself at the start of the campaign. This result wasn’t enough to get me elected, as I came behind the candidates who were backed by a slate and the other incumbent, but I’m very pleased with this showing in an election which is notoriously difficult for first-time, non-slate candidates (particularly those who do not reside within the London political scene).

The best thing about running has been the amount of fantastic, inspirational Labour members from the length and breadth of the country that I’ve met and got to know. I can’t wait to seeing many of you at Conference in the Autumn – I know I owe many people a pint for the help and support they’ve given me over the last few months!

The overall results show little change in NEC composition. While the terribly poor existing geographical spread of NEC representatives was slightly improved by the election of Peter Wheeler from Salford (though this was regrettably at the expense of Luke Akehurst), much more progress is needed next time to make sure the NEC is truly national in scale.

Now that the elections are over, I hope the flare-up of factional infighting that has reared its head in the last couple of weeks will now subside. We may be rivals in internal elections, but we need to resume working together as comrades so as a united party we can win the election that really counts – the next general election. I repeat what I said in my candidate statement: I will always focus on fighting the Tories, Lib Dems and Nationalists, not others within our party. I hope others will do the same.

Thanks for all of your support over the last few months. I’ve definitely got the appetite to run again in the future if the circumstances are right, and in the meantime I will to continue to work for positive change in our party and country in anyway I can be useful.

See you on the doorstep!

Lewis

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NEC Nominations

Last Friday was the deadline for Constituency Labour Parties (CLPs) to nominate candidates for the NEC. The nomination numbers have today been published by Head Office (detailed below), with validly nominated candidates now going onto the all-member ballot which will be distributed from mid-May.

I’m delighted to have received nominations from 39 CLPs from across the country, from Newton Abbot in Devon to North East Fife. As you’d expect, I received a particular concentration of nominations from my home region of the North East which is fantastic (15 nominations) but the majority of my nominations have come from elsewhere across the country.

This mirrors the positive experiences I’ve had since declaring I was running for the NEC – I’ve tried to get out and about campaigning across the country (in Glasgow, Liverpool, Salford, Bolton, Bradford so far as well as across the North East) and have learned a lot and met some fantastic people while I’ve been doing so. At the same time, I’ve got to know lots more members through my Twitter and Facebook accounts.

There are 20 validly nominated candidates, 7 of whom are running as independents like myself. I think that level of interest, and the large number of CLPs who have submitted nominations this year, is a really positive sign about the internal health of our Party.  The candidates who are incumbents and then those who are on slates have clearly got significantly more nominations than me, which is to be expected and I have no complaints about. I’m just delighted with the 39 nominations that I received, significantly more than any other non-incumbent independent candidate, and I’m looking forward to meeting more members across the country as we campaign together for Labour victories in the May elections.

Thanks for all of your support so far.

Lewis

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Numbers of nominations for validly nominated NEC candidates

Slate in brackets (GRA = Grassroots Alliance; LFP = Labour First / Progress; IND = Independent); * indicates an incumbent NEC member

*Ann Black (GRA) – 333

*Christine Shawcroft (GRA) - 203

*Ken Livingstone (GRA) - 195

*Ellie Reeves (LFP) - 189

*Johanna Baxter (IND) – 172

*Luke Akehurst (LFP) – 160

Peter Willsman (GRA) - 149

Peter Wheeler (LFP) - 147

Kate Osamor (GRA) - 103

Darren Williams (GRA) - 84

Joanne Milligan (LFP) - 76

Ruth Smeeth (LFP) - 71

Florence Nosegbe (LFP) - 69

Gary Heather (GRA) - 49

Lewis Atkinson (IND) – 39

Shaukat Ali (IND) - 20

Rajwant Sidhu (IND) - 7

Darrell Goodliffe (IND) - 5

Rob Carr (IND) - 4

Lynda Rice (IND) - 4

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So, I’m standing for the NEC

So, I’ve decided to stand for election to Labour’s NEC. Cue much activity, tweeting, meeting new people, discussing the Labour Party. I’m looking forward to it. However, this is my blog, not my official campaign site which I’m running through Facebook, at least for the time being. If you’re a Labour member who is considering supporting me for the NEC, the posts below might give you an idea of my opinion on various issues. Any new pieces I write in the months ahead will also be posted here, and linked to from Facebook / Twitter. Happy reading!

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Dear Mr Cameron: why I am striking tomorrow

Dear Mr Cameron,

Given your government seems intent on misrepresenting the industrial action I and millions of other public sector workers will be taking tomorrow, I thought I’d write to you to let you know why I will be going on strike.

I am going on strike because your government has refused to negotiate in a meaningful way to address the concerns of public sector workers about our pensions.

I know you’re not taking the negotiations seriously because, for the NHS scheme of which I am a member, you have failed to put forward any scheme-specific proposals based on the broad principles you’ve suggested, even though we’ve been asking for this for months. This situation is the case across the public sector.

I fully accept that there need to be some changes agreed to our pension scheme to reflect demographic changes, for example delaying the retirement age for younger workers like me, and moving to a career average rather than final salary entitlement which will be broadly progressive in favour of those on low and middle incomes. So please don’t try and paint me and my colleagues as unreasonable opponents of any change. But when you talk about imposing significant contribution rises across the workforce from next year when our pay is frozen, you will be in effect cutting our pay at a time when we, like the rest of the country, are already feeling hard squeezed.

You should also know that I am going on strike because I believe in the rights of workers to act collectively when negotiating with their employer. I am the grandson of Durham miners – please do not insult me by suggesting that if I decide to strike it is only because I have been bullied or led astray by my trade union when we held a democratic ballot to decide what to do. My trade union is my designated proxy in the negotiation we’re trying to have with you; their leadership are not the ‘antediluvian monsters’ the Daily Mail would have you believe, but the legitimate representatives of millions of workers like me.

Your government keeps having a pop at public sector workers. When, over recent months we’ve been labelled ‘bureaucrats’ or ‘pen pushers’ by your ministers, we got the sense that you don’t fully value the work we do. When you fail to negotiate properly with us about an issue as important as our pensions, the impression that you see us as a drain on the country rather than a group to be respected and worked with in tough times is reinforced.

I love the work I do in the NHS and you’ve put me and millions others in an invidious position where we have to cause disruption to those that we care deeply about serving tomorrow. But the adverse effects of that temporary disruption are tiny in comparison to what your plans will do if we let you vilify and devalue our public services.

Yours sincerely,

Lewis Atkinson

 

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‘Social value’ procurement

I’m out of the country with sporadic internet access at the moment, but someone has kindly pointed me in the direction of this BBC News article about including ‘social value’ considerations in public sector procurement.

Given the author of the Private Member’s Bill is a Tory, I will refrain from suggesting he may have read my blog post of a few months back sketching out the concept of  ’socially considered tendering’  , but it’s pleasing to see a number of people are starting to think more creatively about how procurement systems can be adapted to reflect the varied socio-economic goals that should be part of most public spending decisions.

I hope to develop this a bit more soon. I’m sure this is a policy area with rich potential for Labour to develop.

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Housing and the riots

When the Prime Minister includes health and safety in his post-riot speech but fails to mention housing, the extent of his government’s failure in this policy area becomes apparent. If he spent more time engaging with and acting on housing issues, he might have more success in his stated aim of ‘strengthening our communities’ to prevent the riots of the future.

His government is in the process of implementing a variety of radical changes to housing related benefits, including the introduction of an arbitrary household benefits cap that includes housing benefit. This will have the well documented effect of reducing the social mix within every area of London. Last year, even Coalition supporters suggested that these changes risk transforming the mixed neighbourhoods of London to the divided banlieue of Paris. Dave Hill has a fascinating recent blog that suggests that the line in those banlieue between every day life and civil unrest is thin.

After the chaos and despair of the riots here, the spontaneous community cleanups we saw reminded us that despite our problems we still do have a strong degree of solidarity among what are generally diverse local communities. We should not assume that such solidarity and diversity is an inevitable feature of modern city living. When there are homes for those of all income ranges, family sizes and backgrounds, a diverse community is able to live together and build trust by through shared day to day experience. Local housing mix is probably the key determinant of an area’s nature. By radically altering this, the government’s housing policies risk the cohesion of local communities across London and indeed the country.

What is more, these policy changes will have a massive adverse effect on the 120,000 ‘troubled’ families that the Prime Minister now says he wants to ‘turn around’ in order to ‘mend’ our society. They will be among those forced out of their homes by these benefit changes, forced to move to live in a different area, probably far away from their wider family and social support circle, support which is crucial in assisting with effective parenting.  A good first step to ‘turning around’ the lives of these families would be to not rip away the stability that comes from their home.

‘Troubled families’ are likely to be in contact with multiple agencies and support services, so every forced move of home across local authority boundaries means an almost inevitable change in social worker, in Youth Offending Team, in drug and alcohol worker with all of the disruption this entails. Anyone who has ever worked with vulnerable families knows that transitions between services delay progress and cause problems. Even in an aspirational utopian world of flawless handovers between agencies, it inevitably takes time for a new worker to build up rapport and trust with the family they are working with.

The extent of such disruption should not be underestimated. Westminster Council have estimated that 60% of the families on its Family Recovery Programme will be forced to move out of the Borough as a result of the benefit changes. This is the very type of programme that Cameron applauded today, but whose job is about to become massively more difficult because of his housing policies.

We now need to redouble the campaign against these self-defeating, divisive changes. We should hold the Prime Minister to what he said today:

So: from here on I want a family test applied to all domestic policy. If it hurts families, if it undermines commitment, if it tramples over the values that keeps people together, or stops families from being together, then we shouldn’t do it. – David Cameron, 15th August 2011

Families tragically and dramatically lost their homes as a result of arson during the riots. More families will lose their homes and support networks in the coming years as a result of the government’s welfare reform policies. If the Prime Minister is serious about the ‘family test’ and strengthening our communities, he should think again.

Hat tip to Antonia for a tweet of a few months back about the Westminster Council example which inspired part of this post.

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Thoughts on the contributory / universal welfare benefits debate

James Purnell’s appearance on Newsnight in the week and Graeme Cook’s subsequent IPPR proposal on salary insurance sparked much debate between supporters of contributory and universal benefits, some of which generated more heat than light. A couple of observations from me:

Firstly, those who criticised Purnell because he was abandoning the ‘guiding universal’ principle of the current welfare state need to remember that there are still large chunks of it which are still based around the contributory principle - for example the state pension (go here to calculate your allowance given your contributions to date).

Secondly, the choice between universal and contributory benefits is not a binary one and should not be treated as such in the debates we have. In reality, most welfare states provide a combination of both contributory and universal benefits, and these can be mixed both within and across areas of welfare policy. We have a universal NHS, but contributory state pensions. Sweden has a two part system of unemployment benefit – a basic level of unemployment benefit that everyone is entitled to (universal), and an additional salary-related level of unemployment benefit that is dependent on contribution (details here).

Finally, the debate on contributory salary insurance made me think of the level of take-up for commercial Income Protection / Mortgage Payment Protection Insurances in recent years. Demand has been pretty high, and this is even though the cover is generally expensive and has been subject to well publicised scandals of mis-selling. This suggests to me that while people are worried about losing their income, they don’t feel sufficiently assured by the current level of benefits offered by the state. There is demand for a better solution.

The introduction of new or expanded benefits on the contributory basis suggested by Purnell could be our opportunity to improve poorly functioning private insurance markets, while also expanding and securing the coalition of support for the welfare state. Done thoughtfully, this should be as part of a mixed model of welfare which combines universal and contributory benefits to achieve our social and political aims.

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The false economy of outsourcing

Birmingham Council is outsourcing some of its jobs to India to save money, with up to 100 jobs being located there by the end of the year. With ever increasing amounts of taxpayer funded services going to tender, it is time to give publicly funded bodies an obligation to follow a tendering process which partly judges bids on their social costs, and not just the immediate price.

In the most basic application of this principle, any taxpayer funded commissioner should ask tendering organisations not just for their price, but also for their estimate (using nationally mandated and audited tools) of the likely contribution their tender proposal will make back to the UK taxpayer, through the taxes paid by employees who would deliver that service. This estimate could also include levels of corporation tax, VAT, NI and other taxes paid as a likely consequence of the tender.

This would dramatically change the balance of the playing field during such exercises and not encourage the ridiculous situation where we pay companies taxpayers money to take jobs overseas and this turn further reduces the tax revenues the UK government receives.

To see how this might work, imagine there are two bids (A & B)  for the IT support service of a large UK council. Tendering processes generally work by scoring bids on quality versus price. Let’s assume for the moment that these two bids score equally on quality (that is a discussion for another day). On price, Bid A costs £270k  and bid B £210k. Under current tendering regulations, the £210k bid would win as this delivers best value for the taxpayer.

However, if we asked for additional information about the breakdown of each bid’s costs, we’d find the following:

The apparent cost advantage of Bid B disappears because, having got more detailed information, we find their lower initial price is outweighed by the fact their method of providing the service would contribute nothing back in UK tax as they are basing their services in India. In contrast, whereas Bid A is on first glance more expensive, a large chunk of their cost comes immediately back to the state in tax revenues.

Once you start using ‘socially considered tendering’, you take into account the contribution respective tenders make back to the UK economy through the employee and other taxes. There are all sorts of other objections, ideological and other, to the practice of outsourcing. But this analysis shows that even without applying those other arguments, for the taxpayer funded services to judge tender bids on price is misleading. A method of socially considered tendering is still mindful of cost, but the overall and real net cost to the taxpayer, not just the headline price.

NOTE: I’m aware I have used a stark example here of UK provision versus Indian provision. But this model could be used to compare competing UK bids who incur different levels of staff costs – the example would not be as stark, but it would still diminish the size of advantage currently held by bidders who incur low staff costs.

My head is full of ideas about how this model could be developed further in the future to be much more sophisticated – should we consider the likely ‘trickle down’ tax spend of UK employees spending their money, raising further VAT for the government, for example?

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